Steve Dufour
2005-12-01 02:06:18 UTC
The Washington Times
http://www.washingtontimes.com
President Outlines Strategy for Victory in Iraq
Published November 30, 2005
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thanks, please be seated. Please be seated.
Thanks for the warm welcome. It's good to be back at the Naval Academy.
I'm pleased to provide a convenient excuse for you to miss class.
(Applause.)
This is the first year that every class of midshipmen at this
Academy arrived after the attacks of September the 11th, 2001. Each of
you has volunteered to wear our nation's uniform in a time of war --
knowing all the risks and dangers that accompany military service. Our
citizens are grateful for your devotion to duty -- and America is proud
of the men and women of the United States Naval Academy. (Applause.)
I thank Admiral Rempt for his invitation for me to come and give
this speech. I appreciate Admiral Mike Mullen. I'm traveling today with
a man who's done a fine job as the Secretary of Defense -- Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld. (Applause.) Navy aviator, Don Rumsfeld.
(Applause.) I'm proud that the Governor of the great state of Maryland,
Bob Ehrlich, and his wife, Kendel, is with us. Thanks for being here,
Governor. (Applause.)
I so appreciate that members of the United States Congress have
joined us, starting with the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services
Committee, Senator John Warner of the state of Virginia. (Applause.)
Former Secretary of the United States Navy, I might add. (Applause.)
Chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence,
Congressman Pete Hoekstra. (Applause.) From the state of Arizona,
Congressman John Shadegg. (Applause.) And from the state of Indiana,
Congressman Mike Pence. (Applause.) I'm honored you all came, thanks
for being here.
I appreciate the Mayor of the city of Annapolis, Mayor Ellen Moyer,
joining us. I want to thank all the state and local officials. I want
to thank the faculty members here. Thank you all for letting me come
by. (Applause.)
Six months ago, I came here to address the graduating class of
2005. I spoke to them about the importance of their service in the
first war of the 21st century -- the global war on terror. I told the
class of 2005 that four years at this Academy had prepared them
morally, mentally and physically for the challenges ahead. And now
they're meeting those challenges as officers in the United States Navy
and Marine Corps.
Some of your former classmates are training with Navy SEAL teams
that will storm terrorist safe houses in lightning raids. Others are
preparing to lead Marine rifle platoons that will hunt the enemy in the
mountains of Afghanistan and the streets of Iraqi cities. Others are
training as naval aviators who will fly combat missions over the skies
of Afghanistan and Iraq and elsewhere. Still others are training as
sailors and submariners who will deliver the combat power of the United
States to the farthest regions of the world -- and deliver
compassionate assistance to those suffering from natural disasters.
Whatever their chosen mission, every graduate of the class of 2005 is
bringing honor to the uniform -- and helping to bring us victory in the
war on terror. (Applause.)
In the years ahead, you'll join them in the fight. Your service is
needed, because our nation is engaged in a war that is being fought on
many fronts -- from the streets of Western cities, to the mountains of
Afghanistan, the islands of Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa. This
war is going to take many turns, and the enemy must be defeated on
every battlefield. Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is
the central front in their war against humanity, and so we must
recognize Iraq as the central front in the war on terror.
As we fight the enemy in Iraq, every man and woman who volunteers
to defend our nation deserves an unwavering commitment to the mission
-- and a clear strategy for victory. A clear strategy begins with a
clear understanding of the enemy we face. The enemy in Iraq is a
combination of rejectionists, Saddamists and terrorists. The
rejectionists are by far the largest group. These are ordinary Iraqis,
mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they had under the
regime of Saddam Hussein -- and they reject an Iraq in which they are
no longer the dominant group.
Not all Sunnis fall into the rejectionist camp. Of those that do,
most are not actively fighting us -- but some give aid and comfort to
the enemy. Many Sunnis boycotted the January elections -- yet as
democracy takes hold in Iraq, they are recognizing that opting out of
the democratic process has hurt their interests. And today, those who
advocate violent opposition are being increasingly isolated by Sunnis
who choose peaceful participation in the democratic process. Sunnis
voted in the recent constitutional referendum in large numbers -- and
Sunni coalitions have formed to compete in next month's elections --
or, this month's elections. We believe that, over time, most
rejectionists will be persuaded to support a democratic Iraq led by a
federal government that is a strong enough government to protect
minority rights.
The second group that makes up the enemy in Iraq is smaller, but
more determined. It contains former regime loyalists who held positions
of power under Saddam Hussein -- people who still harbor dreams of
returning to power. These hard-core Saddamists are trying to foment
anti-democratic sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. They lack
popular support and therefore cannot stop Iraq's democratic progress.
And over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by the Iraqi
people and the security forces of a free Iraq.
The third group is the smallest, but the most lethal: the
terrorists affiliated with or inspired by al Qaeda . Many are
foreigners who are coming to fight freedom's progress in Iraq. This
group includes terrorists from Saudi Arabia, and Syria, and Iran, and
Egypt, and Sudan, and Yemen, and Libya, and other countries. Our
commanders believe they're responsible for most of the suicide
bombings, and the beheadings, and the other atrocities we see on our
television.
They're led by a brutal terrorist named Zarqawi -- al Qaeda's chief
of operations in Iraq -- who has pledged his allegiance to Osama bin
Laden. Their objective is to drive the United States and coalition
forces out of Iraq, and use the vacuum that would be created by an
American retreat to gain control of that country. They would then use
Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks against America, and
overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and try to establish
a totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Indonesia to Spain.
That's their stated objective. That's what their leadership has said.
These terrorists have nothing to offer the Iraqi people. All they
have is the capacity and the willingness to kill the innocent and
create chaos for the cameras. They are trying to shake our will to
achieve their stated objectives. They will fail. America's will is
strong. And they will fail because the will to power is no match for
the universal desire to live in liberty. (Applause.)
The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists
who struck the United States on September the 11th. Those terrorists
share the same ideology with those who blew up commuters in London and
Madrid, murdered tourists in Bali, workers in Riyadh, and guests at a
wedding in Amman, Jordan. Just last week, they massacred Iraqi children
and their parents at a toy give-away outside an Iraqi hospital.
This is an enemy without conscience -- and they cannot be appeased.
If we were not fighting and destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would
not be idle. They would be plotting and killing Americans across the
world and within our own borders. By fighting these terrorists in Iraq,
Americans in uniform are defeating a direct threat to the American
people. Against this adversary, there is only one effective response:
We will never back down. We will never give in. And we will never
accept anything less than complete victory. (Applause.)
To achieve victory over such enemies, we are pursuing a
comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Americans should have a clear
understanding of this strategy -- how we look at the war, how we see
the enemy, how we define victory, and what we're doing to achieve it.
So today, we're releasing a document called the "National Strategy for
Victory in Iraq." This is an unclassified version of the strategy we've
been pursuing in Iraq, and it is posted on the White House website --
whitehouse.gov. I urge all Americans to read it.
Our strategy in Iraq has three elements. On the political side, we
know that free societies are peaceful societies, so we're helping the
Iraqis build a free society with inclusive democratic institutions that
will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're working with the Iraqis
to help them engage those who can be persuaded to join the new Iraq --
and to marginalize those who never will. On the security side,
coalition and Iraqi security forces are on the offensive against the
enemy, cleaning out areas controlled by the terrorists and Saddam
loyalists, leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy,
and following up with targeted reconstruction to help Iraqis rebuild
their lives.
As we fight the terrorists, we're working to build capable and
effective Iraqi security forces, so they can take the lead in the fight
-- and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of
their citizens without major foreign assistance.
And on the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their
infrastructure, reform their economy, and build the prosperity that
will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing all
this we have involved the United Nations, other international
organizations, our coalition partners, and supportive regional states
in helping Iraqis build their future.
In the days ahead, I'll be discussing the various pillars of our
strategy in Iraq. Today, I want to speak in depth about one aspect of
this strategy that will be critical to victory in Iraq -- and that's
the training of Iraqi security forces. To defeat the terrorists and
marginalize the Saddamists and rejectionists, Iraqis need strong
military and police forces. Iraqi troops bring knowledge and
capabilities to the fight that coalition forces cannot.
Iraqis know their people, they know their language, and they know
their culture -- and they know who the terrorists are. Iraqi forces are
earning the trust of their countrymen -- who are willing to help them
in the fight against the enemy. As the Iraqi forces grow in number,
they're helping to keep a better hold on the cities taken from the
enemy. And as the Iraqi forces grow more capable, they are increasingly
taking the lead in the fight against the terrorists. Our goal is to
train enough Iraqi forces so they can carry the fight -- and this will
take time and patience. And it's worth the time, and it's worth the
effort -- because Iraqis and Americans share a common enemy, and when
that enemy is defeated in Iraq, Americans will be safer here at home.
(Applause.)
The training of the Iraqi security forces is an enormous task, and
it always hasn't gone smoothly. We all remember the reports of some
Iraqi security forces running from the fight more than a year ago. Yet
in the past year, Iraqi forces have made real progress. At this time
last year, there were only a handful of Iraqi battalions ready for
combat. Now, there are over 120 Iraqi Army and Police combat battalions
in the fight against the terrorists -- typically comprised of between
350 and 800 Iraqi forces. Of these, about 80 Iraqi battalions are
fighting side-by-side with coalition forces, and about 40 others are
taking the lead in the fight. Most of these 40 battalions are
controlling their own battle space, and conducting their own operations
against the terrorists with some coalition support -- and they're
helping to turn the tide of this struggle in freedom's favor. America
and our troops are proud to stand with the brave Iraqi fighters.
(Applause.)
The progress of the Iraqi forces is especially clear when the
recent anti-terrorist operations in Tal Afar are compared with last
year's assault in Fallujah. In Fallujah, the assault was led by nine
coalition battalions made up primarily of United States Marines and
Army -- with six Iraqi battalions supporting them. The Iraqis fought
and sustained casualties. Yet in most situations, the Iraqi role was
limited to protecting the flanks of coalition forces, and securing
ground that had already been cleared by our troops. This year in TAL
Afar, it was a very different story.
The assault was primarily led by Iraqi security forces -- 11 Iraqi
battalions, backed by five coalition battalions providing support. Many
Iraqi units conducted their own anti-terrorist operations and
controlled their own battle space -- hunting for enemy fighters and
securing neighborhoods block-by-block. To consolidate their military
success, Iraqi units stayed behind to help maintain law and order --
and reconstruction projects have been started to improve infrastructure
and create jobs and provide hope.
One of the Iraqi soldiers who fought in TAL Afar was a private
named Tarek Hazem. This brave Iraqi fighter says, "We're not afraid.
We're here to protect our country. All we feel is motivated to kill the
terrorists." Iraqi forces not only cleared the city, they held it. And
because of the skill and courage of the Iraqi forces, the citizens of
TAL Afar were able to vote in October's constitutional referendum.
As Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead in the fight against the
terrorists, they're also taking control of more and more Iraqi
territory. At this moment, over 30 Iraqi Army battalions have assumed
primary control of their own areas of responsibility. In Baghdad, Iraqi
battalions have taken over major sectors of the capital -- including
some of the city's toughest neighborhoods. Last year, the area around
Baghdad's Haifa Street was so thick with terrorists that it earned the
nickname "Purple Heart Boulevard." Then Iraqi forces took
responsibility for this dangerous neighborhood -- and attacks are now
down.
Our coalition has handed over roughly 90 square miles of Baghdad
province to Iraqi security forces. Iraqi battalions have taken over
responsibility for areas in South-Central Iraq, sectors of Southeast
Iraq, sectors of Western Iraq, and sectors of North-Central Iraq. As
Iraqi forces take responsibility for more of their own territory,
coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
high-value targets, like the terrorist Zarqawi and his associates.
We're also transferring forward operating bases to Iraqi control.
Over a dozen bases in Iraq have been handed over to the Iraqi
government -- including Saddam Hussein's former palace in Tikrit, which
has served as the coalition headquarters in one of Iraq's most
dangerous regions. From many of these bases, the Iraqi security forces
are planning and executing operations against the terrorists -- and
bringing security and pride to the Iraqi people.
Progress by the Iraqi security forces has come, in part, because we
learned from our earlier experiences and made changes in the way we
help train Iraqi troops. When our coalition first arrived, we began the
process of creating an Iraqi Army to defend the country from external
threats, and an Iraqi Civil Defense Corps to help provide the security
within Iraq's borders. The civil defense forces did not have sufficient
firepower or training -- they proved to be no match for an enemy armed
with machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and mortars. So the
approach was adjusted. Working with Iraq's leaders, we moved the civil
defense forces into the Iraqi Army, we changed the way they're trained
and equipped, and we focused the Army's mission on defeating those
fighting against a free Iraq, whether internal or external.
Now, all Iraqi Army recruits receive about the same length of basic
training as new recruits in the U.S. Army -- a five-week core course,
followed by an additional three-to-seven weeks of specialized training.
With coalition help, Iraqis have established schools for the Iraqi
military services, an Iraqi military academy, a non-commissioned
officer academy, a military police school, a bomb disposal school --
and NATO has established an Iraqi Joint Staff College. There's also an
increased focus on leadership training, with professional development
courses for Iraqi squad leaders and platoon sergeants and warrant
officers and sergeants-major. A new generation of Iraqi officers is
being trained, leaders who will lead their forces with skill -- so they
can defeat the terrorists and secure their freedom.
Similar changes have taken place in the training of the Iraqi
police. When our coalition first arrived, Iraqi police recruits spent
too much time of their training in classroom lectures -- and they
received limited training in the use of small arms. This did not
adequately prepare the fight they would face. And so we changed the way
the Iraqi police are trained. Now, police recruits spend more of their
time outside the classroom with intensive hands-on training in
anti-terrorism operations and real-world survival skills.
Iraq has now six basic police academies, and one in Jordan, that
together produce over 3,500 new police officers every ten weeks. The
Baghdad police academy has simulation models where Iraqis train to stop
IED attacks and operate roadblocks. And because Iraqi police are not
just facing common criminals, they are getting live-fire training with
the AK-47s.
As more and more skilled Iraqi security forces have come online,
there's been another important change in the way new Iraqi recruits are
trained. When the training effort began, nearly all the trainers came
from coalition countries. Today, the vast majority of Iraqi police and
army recruits are being taught by Iraqi instructors. By training the
trainers, we're helping Iraqis create an institutional capability that
will allow the Iraqi forces to continue to develop and grow long after
coalition forces have left Iraq.
As the training has improved, so has the quality of the recruits
being trained. Even though the terrorists are targeting Iraqi police
and army recruits, there is no shortage of Iraqis who are willing to
risk their lives to secure the future of a free Iraq.
The efforts to include more Sunnis in the future of Iraq were given
a significant boost earlier this year. More than 60 influential Sunni
clerics issued a fatwa calling on young Sunnis to join the Iraqi
security forces, "for the sake of preserving the souls, property and
honor" of the Iraqi people. These religious leaders are helping to make
the Iraqi security forces a truly national institution -- one that is
able to serve, protect and defend all the Iraqi people.
Some critics dismiss this progress and point to the fact that only
one Iraqi battalion has achieved complete independence from the
coalition. To achieve complete independence, an Iraqi battalion must do
more than fight the enemy on its own -- it must also have the ability
to provide its own support elements, including logistics, airlift,
intelligence, and command and control through their ministries. Not
every Iraqi unit has to meet this level of capability in order for the
Iraqi security forces to take the lead in the fight against the enemy.
As a matter of fact, there are some battalions from NATO militaries
that would not be able to meet this standard. The facts are that Iraqi
units are growing more independent and more capable; they are defending
their new democracy with courage and determination. They're in the
fight today, and they will be in the fight for freedom tomorrow.
(Applause.)
We're also helping Iraqis build the institutions they need to
support their own forces. For example, a national depot has been
established north of Baghdad that is responsible for supplying the
logistical needs of the ten divisions of the Iraqi Army. Regional
support units and base support units have been created across the
country with the mission of supplying their own war fighters. Iraqis
now have a small Air Force, that recently conducted its first combat
airlift operations -- bringing Iraqi troops to the front in TAL Afar.
The new Iraqi Navy is now helping protect the vital ports of Basra and
Umm Qasr. An Iraqi military intelligence school has been established to
produce skilled Iraqi intelligence analysts and collectors. By taking
all these steps, we're helping the Iraqi security forces become
self-supporting so they can take the fight to the enemy, and so they
can sustain themselves in the fight.
Over the past two and a half years, we've faced some setbacks in
standing up a capable Iraqi security force -- and their performance is
still uneven in some areas. Yet many of those forces have made real
gains over the past year -- and Iraqi soldiers take pride in their
progress. An Iraqi first lieutenant named Shoqutt describes the
transformation of his unit this way: "I really think we've turned the
corner here. At first, the whole country didn't take us seriously. Now
things are different. Our guys are hungry to demonstrate their skill
and to show the world."
Our troops in Iraq see the gains that Iraqis are making. Lieutenant
Colonel Todd Wood of Richmond Hill, Georgia, is training Iraqi forces
in Saddam Hussein's hometown of Tikrit. He says this about the Iraqi
units he is working with: "They're pretty much ready to go it on their
own ... What they're doing now would have been impossible a year ago
... These guys are patriots, willing to go out knowing the insurgents
would like nothing better than to kill them and their families ...
They're getting better, and they'll keep getting better."
Our commanders on the ground see the gains the Iraqis are making.
General Marty Dempsey is the commander of the Multinational Security
Transition Command. Here's what he says about the transformation of the
Iraqi security forces: "It's beyond description. They are far better
equipped, far better trained" than they once were. The Iraqis, General
Dempsey says, are "increasingly in control of their future and their
own security _ the Iraqi security forces are regaining control of the
country."
As the Iraqi security forces stand up, their confidence is growing
and they are taking on tougher and more important missions on their
own. As the Iraqi security forces stand up, the confidence of the Iraqi
people is growing -- and Iraqis are providing the vital intelligence
needed to track down the terrorists. And as the Iraqi security forces
stand up, coalition forces can stand down -- and when our mission of
defeating the terrorists in Iraq is complete, our troops will return
home to a proud nation. (Applause.)
This is a goal our Iraqi allies share. An Iraqi Army Sergeant named
Abbass Abdul Jabar puts it this way: "We have to help the coalition
forces as much as we can to give them a chance to go home. These guys
have been helping us. [Now] we have to protect our own families."
America will help the Iraqis so they can protect their families and
secure their free nation. We will stay as long as necessary to complete
the mission. If our military leaders tell me we need more troops, I
will send them.
For example, we have increased our force levels in Iraq to 160,000
-- up from 137,000 -- in preparation for the December elections. My
commanders tell me that as Iraqi forces become more capable, the
mission of our forces in Iraq will continue to change. We will continue
to shift from providing security and conducting operations against the
enemy nationwide, to conducting more specialized operations targeted at
the most dangerous terrorists. We will increasingly move out of Iraqi
cities, reduce the number of bases from which we operate, and conduct
fewer patrols and convoys.
As the Iraqi forces gain experience and the political process
advances, we will be able to decrease our troop levels in Iraq without
losing our capability to defeat the terrorists. These decisions about
troop levels will be driven by the conditions on the ground in Iraq and
the good judgment of our commanders -- not by artificial timetables set
by politicians in Washington. (Applause.)
Some are calling for a deadline for withdrawal. Many advocating an
artificial timetable for withdrawing our troops are sincere -- but I
believe they're sincerely wrong. Pulling our troops out before they've
achieved their purpose is not a plan for victory. As Democratic Senator
Joe Lieberman said recently, setting an artificial timetable would
"discourage our troops because it seems to be heading for the door. It
will encourage the terrorists, it will confuse the Iraqi people."
Senator Lieberman is right. Setting an artificial deadline to
withdraw would send a message across the world that America is a weak
and an unreliable ally. Setting an artificial deadline to withdraw
would send a signal to our enemies -- that if they wait long enough,
America will cut and run and abandon its friends. And setting an
artificial deadline to withdraw would vindicate the terrorists' tactics
of beheadings and suicide bombings and mass murder -- and invite new
attacks on America. To all who wear the uniform, I make you this
pledge: America will not run in the face of car bombers and assassins
so long as I am your Commander-in-Chief. (Applause.)
And as we train Iraqis to take more responsibility in the battle
with the terrorists, we're also helping them build a democracy that is
worthy of their sacrifice. And in just over two-and-a-half years, the
Iraqi people have made incredible progress on the road to lasting
freedom. Iraqis have gone from living under the boot of a brutal
tyrant, to liberation, free elections, and a democratic constitution --
and in 15 days they will go to the polls to elect a fully
constitutional government that will lead them for the next four years.
With each ballot cast, the Iraqi people have sent a clear message
to the terrorists: Iraqis will not be intimidated. The Iraqi people
will determine the destiny of their country. The future of Iraq belongs
to freedom. Despite the costs, the pain, and the danger, Iraqis are
showing courage and are moving forward to build a free society and a
lasting democracy in the heart of the Middle East -- and the United
States of America will help them succeed. (Applause.)
Some critics continue to assert that we have no plan in Iraq except
to, "stay the course." If by "stay the course," they mean we will not
allow the terrorists to break our will, they are right. If by "stay the
course," they mean we will not permit al Qaeda to turn Iraq into what
Afghanistan was under the Taliban -- a safe haven for terrorism and a
launching pad for attacks on America -- they are right, as well. If by
"stay the course" they mean that we're not learning from our
experiences, or adjusting our tactics to meet the challenges on the
ground, then they're flat wrong. As our top commander in Iraq, General
Casey, has said, "Our commanders on the ground are continuously
adapting and adjusting, not only to what the enemy does, but also to
try to out-think the enemy and get ahead of him." Our strategy in Iraq
is clear, our tactics are flexible and dynamic; we have changed them as
conditions required and they are bringing us victory against a brutal
enemy. (Applause.)
Victory in Iraq will demand the continued determination and resolve
of the American people. It will also demand the strength and personal
courage of the men and women who wear our nation's uniform. And as the
future officers of the United States Navy and Marine Corps, you're
preparing to join this fight. You do so at a time when there is a
vigorous debate about the war in Iraq. I know that for our men and
women in uniform, this debate can be unsettling -- when you're risking
your life to accomplish a mission, the last thing you want to hear is
that mission being questioned in our nation's capital. I want you to
know that while there may be a lot of heated rhetoric in Washington,
D.C., one thing is not in dispute: The American people stand behind
you.
And we should not fear the debate in Washington. It's one of the
great strengths of our democracy that we can discuss our differences
openly and honestly -- even at times of war. Your service makes that
freedom possible. And today, because of the men and women in our
military, people are expressing their opinions freely in the streets of
Baghdad, as well.
Most Americans want two things in Iraq: They want to see our troops
win, and they want to see our troops come home as soon as possible. And
those are my goals as well. I will settle for nothing less than
complete victory. In World War II, victory came when the Empire of
Japan surrendered on the deck of the USS Missouri. In Iraq, there will
not be a signing ceremony on the deck of a battleship. Victory will
come when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's
democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of
their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to
plot new attacks on our nation.
As we make progress toward victory, Iraqis will take more
responsibility for their security, and fewer U.S. forces will be needed
to complete the mission. America will not abandon Iraq. We will not
turn that country over to the terrorists and put the American people at
risk. Iraq will be a free nation and a strong ally in the Middle East
-- and this will add to the security of the American people.
In the short run, we're going to bring justice to our enemies. In
the long run, the best way to ensure the security of our own citizens
is to spread the hope of freedom across the broader Middle East. We've
seen freedom conquer evil and secure the peace before. In World War II,
free nations came together to fight the ideology of fascism, and
freedom prevailed -- and today Germany and Japan are democracies and
they are allies in securing the peace. In the Cold War, freedom
defeated the ideology of communism and led to a democratic movement
that freed the nations of Eastern and Central Europe from Soviet
domination -- and today these nations are allies in the war on terror.
Today in the Middle East freedom is once again contending with an
ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair. And like
fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that use terror
will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom, and as democracy
spreads in the Middle East, these countries will become allies in the
cause of peace. (Applause.)
Advancing the cause of freedom and democracy in the Middle East
begins with ensuring the success of a free Iraq. Freedom's victory in
that country will inspire democratic reformers from Damascus to Tehran,
and spread hope across a troubled region, and lift a terrible threat
from the lives of our citizens. By strengthening Iraqi democracy, we
will gain a partner in the cause of peace and moderation in the Muslim
world, and an ally in the worldwide struggle against -- against the
terrorists. Advancing the ideal of democracy and self-government is the
mission that created our nation -- and now it is the calling of a new
generation of Americans. We will meet the challenge of our time. We
will answer history's call with confidence -- because we know that
freedom is the destiny of every man, woman and child on this earth.
(Applause.)
Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough
days ahead. A time of war is a time of sacrifice, and we've lost some
very fine men and women in this war on terror. Many of you know
comrades and classmates who left our shores to defend freedom and who
did not live to make the journey home. We pray for the military
families who mourn the loss of loves ones. We hold them in our hearts
-- and we honor the memory of every fallen soldier, sailor, airman,
Coast Guardsman, and Marine.
One of those fallen heroes is a Marine Corporal named Jeff Starr,
who was killed fighting the terrorists in Ramadi earlier this year.
After he died, a letter was found on his laptop computer. Here's what
he wrote, he said, "[I]f you're reading this, then I've died in Iraq. I
don't regret going. Everybody dies, but few get to do it for something
as important as freedom. It may seem confusing why we are in Iraq, it's
not to me. I'm here helping these people, so they can live the way we
live. Not [to] have to worry about tyrants or vicious dictators_.
Others have died for my freedom, now this is my mark."
There is only one way to honor the sacrifice of Corporal Starr and
his fallen comrades -- and that is to take up their mantle, carry on
their fight, and complete their mission. (Applause.)
We will take the fight to the terrorists. We will help the Iraqi
people lay the foundations of a strong democracy that can govern
itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. And by laying the
foundations of freedom in Iraq, we will lay the foundation of peace for
generations to come.
You all are the ones who will help accomplish all this. Our freedom
and our way of life are in your hands -- and they're in the best of
hands. I want to thank you for your service in the cause of freedom. I
want to thank you for wearing the uniform. May God bless you all, and
may God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
http://www.washingtontimes.com
President Outlines Strategy for Victory in Iraq
Published November 30, 2005
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thanks, please be seated. Please be seated.
Thanks for the warm welcome. It's good to be back at the Naval Academy.
I'm pleased to provide a convenient excuse for you to miss class.
(Applause.)
This is the first year that every class of midshipmen at this
Academy arrived after the attacks of September the 11th, 2001. Each of
you has volunteered to wear our nation's uniform in a time of war --
knowing all the risks and dangers that accompany military service. Our
citizens are grateful for your devotion to duty -- and America is proud
of the men and women of the United States Naval Academy. (Applause.)
I thank Admiral Rempt for his invitation for me to come and give
this speech. I appreciate Admiral Mike Mullen. I'm traveling today with
a man who's done a fine job as the Secretary of Defense -- Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld. (Applause.) Navy aviator, Don Rumsfeld.
(Applause.) I'm proud that the Governor of the great state of Maryland,
Bob Ehrlich, and his wife, Kendel, is with us. Thanks for being here,
Governor. (Applause.)
I so appreciate that members of the United States Congress have
joined us, starting with the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services
Committee, Senator John Warner of the state of Virginia. (Applause.)
Former Secretary of the United States Navy, I might add. (Applause.)
Chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence,
Congressman Pete Hoekstra. (Applause.) From the state of Arizona,
Congressman John Shadegg. (Applause.) And from the state of Indiana,
Congressman Mike Pence. (Applause.) I'm honored you all came, thanks
for being here.
I appreciate the Mayor of the city of Annapolis, Mayor Ellen Moyer,
joining us. I want to thank all the state and local officials. I want
to thank the faculty members here. Thank you all for letting me come
by. (Applause.)
Six months ago, I came here to address the graduating class of
2005. I spoke to them about the importance of their service in the
first war of the 21st century -- the global war on terror. I told the
class of 2005 that four years at this Academy had prepared them
morally, mentally and physically for the challenges ahead. And now
they're meeting those challenges as officers in the United States Navy
and Marine Corps.
Some of your former classmates are training with Navy SEAL teams
that will storm terrorist safe houses in lightning raids. Others are
preparing to lead Marine rifle platoons that will hunt the enemy in the
mountains of Afghanistan and the streets of Iraqi cities. Others are
training as naval aviators who will fly combat missions over the skies
of Afghanistan and Iraq and elsewhere. Still others are training as
sailors and submariners who will deliver the combat power of the United
States to the farthest regions of the world -- and deliver
compassionate assistance to those suffering from natural disasters.
Whatever their chosen mission, every graduate of the class of 2005 is
bringing honor to the uniform -- and helping to bring us victory in the
war on terror. (Applause.)
In the years ahead, you'll join them in the fight. Your service is
needed, because our nation is engaged in a war that is being fought on
many fronts -- from the streets of Western cities, to the mountains of
Afghanistan, the islands of Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa. This
war is going to take many turns, and the enemy must be defeated on
every battlefield. Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is
the central front in their war against humanity, and so we must
recognize Iraq as the central front in the war on terror.
As we fight the enemy in Iraq, every man and woman who volunteers
to defend our nation deserves an unwavering commitment to the mission
-- and a clear strategy for victory. A clear strategy begins with a
clear understanding of the enemy we face. The enemy in Iraq is a
combination of rejectionists, Saddamists and terrorists. The
rejectionists are by far the largest group. These are ordinary Iraqis,
mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they had under the
regime of Saddam Hussein -- and they reject an Iraq in which they are
no longer the dominant group.
Not all Sunnis fall into the rejectionist camp. Of those that do,
most are not actively fighting us -- but some give aid and comfort to
the enemy. Many Sunnis boycotted the January elections -- yet as
democracy takes hold in Iraq, they are recognizing that opting out of
the democratic process has hurt their interests. And today, those who
advocate violent opposition are being increasingly isolated by Sunnis
who choose peaceful participation in the democratic process. Sunnis
voted in the recent constitutional referendum in large numbers -- and
Sunni coalitions have formed to compete in next month's elections --
or, this month's elections. We believe that, over time, most
rejectionists will be persuaded to support a democratic Iraq led by a
federal government that is a strong enough government to protect
minority rights.
The second group that makes up the enemy in Iraq is smaller, but
more determined. It contains former regime loyalists who held positions
of power under Saddam Hussein -- people who still harbor dreams of
returning to power. These hard-core Saddamists are trying to foment
anti-democratic sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. They lack
popular support and therefore cannot stop Iraq's democratic progress.
And over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by the Iraqi
people and the security forces of a free Iraq.
The third group is the smallest, but the most lethal: the
terrorists affiliated with or inspired by al Qaeda . Many are
foreigners who are coming to fight freedom's progress in Iraq. This
group includes terrorists from Saudi Arabia, and Syria, and Iran, and
Egypt, and Sudan, and Yemen, and Libya, and other countries. Our
commanders believe they're responsible for most of the suicide
bombings, and the beheadings, and the other atrocities we see on our
television.
They're led by a brutal terrorist named Zarqawi -- al Qaeda's chief
of operations in Iraq -- who has pledged his allegiance to Osama bin
Laden. Their objective is to drive the United States and coalition
forces out of Iraq, and use the vacuum that would be created by an
American retreat to gain control of that country. They would then use
Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks against America, and
overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and try to establish
a totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Indonesia to Spain.
That's their stated objective. That's what their leadership has said.
These terrorists have nothing to offer the Iraqi people. All they
have is the capacity and the willingness to kill the innocent and
create chaos for the cameras. They are trying to shake our will to
achieve their stated objectives. They will fail. America's will is
strong. And they will fail because the will to power is no match for
the universal desire to live in liberty. (Applause.)
The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists
who struck the United States on September the 11th. Those terrorists
share the same ideology with those who blew up commuters in London and
Madrid, murdered tourists in Bali, workers in Riyadh, and guests at a
wedding in Amman, Jordan. Just last week, they massacred Iraqi children
and their parents at a toy give-away outside an Iraqi hospital.
This is an enemy without conscience -- and they cannot be appeased.
If we were not fighting and destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would
not be idle. They would be plotting and killing Americans across the
world and within our own borders. By fighting these terrorists in Iraq,
Americans in uniform are defeating a direct threat to the American
people. Against this adversary, there is only one effective response:
We will never back down. We will never give in. And we will never
accept anything less than complete victory. (Applause.)
To achieve victory over such enemies, we are pursuing a
comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Americans should have a clear
understanding of this strategy -- how we look at the war, how we see
the enemy, how we define victory, and what we're doing to achieve it.
So today, we're releasing a document called the "National Strategy for
Victory in Iraq." This is an unclassified version of the strategy we've
been pursuing in Iraq, and it is posted on the White House website --
whitehouse.gov. I urge all Americans to read it.
Our strategy in Iraq has three elements. On the political side, we
know that free societies are peaceful societies, so we're helping the
Iraqis build a free society with inclusive democratic institutions that
will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're working with the Iraqis
to help them engage those who can be persuaded to join the new Iraq --
and to marginalize those who never will. On the security side,
coalition and Iraqi security forces are on the offensive against the
enemy, cleaning out areas controlled by the terrorists and Saddam
loyalists, leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy,
and following up with targeted reconstruction to help Iraqis rebuild
their lives.
As we fight the terrorists, we're working to build capable and
effective Iraqi security forces, so they can take the lead in the fight
-- and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of
their citizens without major foreign assistance.
And on the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their
infrastructure, reform their economy, and build the prosperity that
will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing all
this we have involved the United Nations, other international
organizations, our coalition partners, and supportive regional states
in helping Iraqis build their future.
In the days ahead, I'll be discussing the various pillars of our
strategy in Iraq. Today, I want to speak in depth about one aspect of
this strategy that will be critical to victory in Iraq -- and that's
the training of Iraqi security forces. To defeat the terrorists and
marginalize the Saddamists and rejectionists, Iraqis need strong
military and police forces. Iraqi troops bring knowledge and
capabilities to the fight that coalition forces cannot.
Iraqis know their people, they know their language, and they know
their culture -- and they know who the terrorists are. Iraqi forces are
earning the trust of their countrymen -- who are willing to help them
in the fight against the enemy. As the Iraqi forces grow in number,
they're helping to keep a better hold on the cities taken from the
enemy. And as the Iraqi forces grow more capable, they are increasingly
taking the lead in the fight against the terrorists. Our goal is to
train enough Iraqi forces so they can carry the fight -- and this will
take time and patience. And it's worth the time, and it's worth the
effort -- because Iraqis and Americans share a common enemy, and when
that enemy is defeated in Iraq, Americans will be safer here at home.
(Applause.)
The training of the Iraqi security forces is an enormous task, and
it always hasn't gone smoothly. We all remember the reports of some
Iraqi security forces running from the fight more than a year ago. Yet
in the past year, Iraqi forces have made real progress. At this time
last year, there were only a handful of Iraqi battalions ready for
combat. Now, there are over 120 Iraqi Army and Police combat battalions
in the fight against the terrorists -- typically comprised of between
350 and 800 Iraqi forces. Of these, about 80 Iraqi battalions are
fighting side-by-side with coalition forces, and about 40 others are
taking the lead in the fight. Most of these 40 battalions are
controlling their own battle space, and conducting their own operations
against the terrorists with some coalition support -- and they're
helping to turn the tide of this struggle in freedom's favor. America
and our troops are proud to stand with the brave Iraqi fighters.
(Applause.)
The progress of the Iraqi forces is especially clear when the
recent anti-terrorist operations in Tal Afar are compared with last
year's assault in Fallujah. In Fallujah, the assault was led by nine
coalition battalions made up primarily of United States Marines and
Army -- with six Iraqi battalions supporting them. The Iraqis fought
and sustained casualties. Yet in most situations, the Iraqi role was
limited to protecting the flanks of coalition forces, and securing
ground that had already been cleared by our troops. This year in TAL
Afar, it was a very different story.
The assault was primarily led by Iraqi security forces -- 11 Iraqi
battalions, backed by five coalition battalions providing support. Many
Iraqi units conducted their own anti-terrorist operations and
controlled their own battle space -- hunting for enemy fighters and
securing neighborhoods block-by-block. To consolidate their military
success, Iraqi units stayed behind to help maintain law and order --
and reconstruction projects have been started to improve infrastructure
and create jobs and provide hope.
One of the Iraqi soldiers who fought in TAL Afar was a private
named Tarek Hazem. This brave Iraqi fighter says, "We're not afraid.
We're here to protect our country. All we feel is motivated to kill the
terrorists." Iraqi forces not only cleared the city, they held it. And
because of the skill and courage of the Iraqi forces, the citizens of
TAL Afar were able to vote in October's constitutional referendum.
As Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead in the fight against the
terrorists, they're also taking control of more and more Iraqi
territory. At this moment, over 30 Iraqi Army battalions have assumed
primary control of their own areas of responsibility. In Baghdad, Iraqi
battalions have taken over major sectors of the capital -- including
some of the city's toughest neighborhoods. Last year, the area around
Baghdad's Haifa Street was so thick with terrorists that it earned the
nickname "Purple Heart Boulevard." Then Iraqi forces took
responsibility for this dangerous neighborhood -- and attacks are now
down.
Our coalition has handed over roughly 90 square miles of Baghdad
province to Iraqi security forces. Iraqi battalions have taken over
responsibility for areas in South-Central Iraq, sectors of Southeast
Iraq, sectors of Western Iraq, and sectors of North-Central Iraq. As
Iraqi forces take responsibility for more of their own territory,
coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
high-value targets, like the terrorist Zarqawi and his associates.
We're also transferring forward operating bases to Iraqi control.
Over a dozen bases in Iraq have been handed over to the Iraqi
government -- including Saddam Hussein's former palace in Tikrit, which
has served as the coalition headquarters in one of Iraq's most
dangerous regions. From many of these bases, the Iraqi security forces
are planning and executing operations against the terrorists -- and
bringing security and pride to the Iraqi people.
Progress by the Iraqi security forces has come, in part, because we
learned from our earlier experiences and made changes in the way we
help train Iraqi troops. When our coalition first arrived, we began the
process of creating an Iraqi Army to defend the country from external
threats, and an Iraqi Civil Defense Corps to help provide the security
within Iraq's borders. The civil defense forces did not have sufficient
firepower or training -- they proved to be no match for an enemy armed
with machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and mortars. So the
approach was adjusted. Working with Iraq's leaders, we moved the civil
defense forces into the Iraqi Army, we changed the way they're trained
and equipped, and we focused the Army's mission on defeating those
fighting against a free Iraq, whether internal or external.
Now, all Iraqi Army recruits receive about the same length of basic
training as new recruits in the U.S. Army -- a five-week core course,
followed by an additional three-to-seven weeks of specialized training.
With coalition help, Iraqis have established schools for the Iraqi
military services, an Iraqi military academy, a non-commissioned
officer academy, a military police school, a bomb disposal school --
and NATO has established an Iraqi Joint Staff College. There's also an
increased focus on leadership training, with professional development
courses for Iraqi squad leaders and platoon sergeants and warrant
officers and sergeants-major. A new generation of Iraqi officers is
being trained, leaders who will lead their forces with skill -- so they
can defeat the terrorists and secure their freedom.
Similar changes have taken place in the training of the Iraqi
police. When our coalition first arrived, Iraqi police recruits spent
too much time of their training in classroom lectures -- and they
received limited training in the use of small arms. This did not
adequately prepare the fight they would face. And so we changed the way
the Iraqi police are trained. Now, police recruits spend more of their
time outside the classroom with intensive hands-on training in
anti-terrorism operations and real-world survival skills.
Iraq has now six basic police academies, and one in Jordan, that
together produce over 3,500 new police officers every ten weeks. The
Baghdad police academy has simulation models where Iraqis train to stop
IED attacks and operate roadblocks. And because Iraqi police are not
just facing common criminals, they are getting live-fire training with
the AK-47s.
As more and more skilled Iraqi security forces have come online,
there's been another important change in the way new Iraqi recruits are
trained. When the training effort began, nearly all the trainers came
from coalition countries. Today, the vast majority of Iraqi police and
army recruits are being taught by Iraqi instructors. By training the
trainers, we're helping Iraqis create an institutional capability that
will allow the Iraqi forces to continue to develop and grow long after
coalition forces have left Iraq.
As the training has improved, so has the quality of the recruits
being trained. Even though the terrorists are targeting Iraqi police
and army recruits, there is no shortage of Iraqis who are willing to
risk their lives to secure the future of a free Iraq.
The efforts to include more Sunnis in the future of Iraq were given
a significant boost earlier this year. More than 60 influential Sunni
clerics issued a fatwa calling on young Sunnis to join the Iraqi
security forces, "for the sake of preserving the souls, property and
honor" of the Iraqi people. These religious leaders are helping to make
the Iraqi security forces a truly national institution -- one that is
able to serve, protect and defend all the Iraqi people.
Some critics dismiss this progress and point to the fact that only
one Iraqi battalion has achieved complete independence from the
coalition. To achieve complete independence, an Iraqi battalion must do
more than fight the enemy on its own -- it must also have the ability
to provide its own support elements, including logistics, airlift,
intelligence, and command and control through their ministries. Not
every Iraqi unit has to meet this level of capability in order for the
Iraqi security forces to take the lead in the fight against the enemy.
As a matter of fact, there are some battalions from NATO militaries
that would not be able to meet this standard. The facts are that Iraqi
units are growing more independent and more capable; they are defending
their new democracy with courage and determination. They're in the
fight today, and they will be in the fight for freedom tomorrow.
(Applause.)
We're also helping Iraqis build the institutions they need to
support their own forces. For example, a national depot has been
established north of Baghdad that is responsible for supplying the
logistical needs of the ten divisions of the Iraqi Army. Regional
support units and base support units have been created across the
country with the mission of supplying their own war fighters. Iraqis
now have a small Air Force, that recently conducted its first combat
airlift operations -- bringing Iraqi troops to the front in TAL Afar.
The new Iraqi Navy is now helping protect the vital ports of Basra and
Umm Qasr. An Iraqi military intelligence school has been established to
produce skilled Iraqi intelligence analysts and collectors. By taking
all these steps, we're helping the Iraqi security forces become
self-supporting so they can take the fight to the enemy, and so they
can sustain themselves in the fight.
Over the past two and a half years, we've faced some setbacks in
standing up a capable Iraqi security force -- and their performance is
still uneven in some areas. Yet many of those forces have made real
gains over the past year -- and Iraqi soldiers take pride in their
progress. An Iraqi first lieutenant named Shoqutt describes the
transformation of his unit this way: "I really think we've turned the
corner here. At first, the whole country didn't take us seriously. Now
things are different. Our guys are hungry to demonstrate their skill
and to show the world."
Our troops in Iraq see the gains that Iraqis are making. Lieutenant
Colonel Todd Wood of Richmond Hill, Georgia, is training Iraqi forces
in Saddam Hussein's hometown of Tikrit. He says this about the Iraqi
units he is working with: "They're pretty much ready to go it on their
own ... What they're doing now would have been impossible a year ago
... These guys are patriots, willing to go out knowing the insurgents
would like nothing better than to kill them and their families ...
They're getting better, and they'll keep getting better."
Our commanders on the ground see the gains the Iraqis are making.
General Marty Dempsey is the commander of the Multinational Security
Transition Command. Here's what he says about the transformation of the
Iraqi security forces: "It's beyond description. They are far better
equipped, far better trained" than they once were. The Iraqis, General
Dempsey says, are "increasingly in control of their future and their
own security _ the Iraqi security forces are regaining control of the
country."
As the Iraqi security forces stand up, their confidence is growing
and they are taking on tougher and more important missions on their
own. As the Iraqi security forces stand up, the confidence of the Iraqi
people is growing -- and Iraqis are providing the vital intelligence
needed to track down the terrorists. And as the Iraqi security forces
stand up, coalition forces can stand down -- and when our mission of
defeating the terrorists in Iraq is complete, our troops will return
home to a proud nation. (Applause.)
This is a goal our Iraqi allies share. An Iraqi Army Sergeant named
Abbass Abdul Jabar puts it this way: "We have to help the coalition
forces as much as we can to give them a chance to go home. These guys
have been helping us. [Now] we have to protect our own families."
America will help the Iraqis so they can protect their families and
secure their free nation. We will stay as long as necessary to complete
the mission. If our military leaders tell me we need more troops, I
will send them.
For example, we have increased our force levels in Iraq to 160,000
-- up from 137,000 -- in preparation for the December elections. My
commanders tell me that as Iraqi forces become more capable, the
mission of our forces in Iraq will continue to change. We will continue
to shift from providing security and conducting operations against the
enemy nationwide, to conducting more specialized operations targeted at
the most dangerous terrorists. We will increasingly move out of Iraqi
cities, reduce the number of bases from which we operate, and conduct
fewer patrols and convoys.
As the Iraqi forces gain experience and the political process
advances, we will be able to decrease our troop levels in Iraq without
losing our capability to defeat the terrorists. These decisions about
troop levels will be driven by the conditions on the ground in Iraq and
the good judgment of our commanders -- not by artificial timetables set
by politicians in Washington. (Applause.)
Some are calling for a deadline for withdrawal. Many advocating an
artificial timetable for withdrawing our troops are sincere -- but I
believe they're sincerely wrong. Pulling our troops out before they've
achieved their purpose is not a plan for victory. As Democratic Senator
Joe Lieberman said recently, setting an artificial timetable would
"discourage our troops because it seems to be heading for the door. It
will encourage the terrorists, it will confuse the Iraqi people."
Senator Lieberman is right. Setting an artificial deadline to
withdraw would send a message across the world that America is a weak
and an unreliable ally. Setting an artificial deadline to withdraw
would send a signal to our enemies -- that if they wait long enough,
America will cut and run and abandon its friends. And setting an
artificial deadline to withdraw would vindicate the terrorists' tactics
of beheadings and suicide bombings and mass murder -- and invite new
attacks on America. To all who wear the uniform, I make you this
pledge: America will not run in the face of car bombers and assassins
so long as I am your Commander-in-Chief. (Applause.)
And as we train Iraqis to take more responsibility in the battle
with the terrorists, we're also helping them build a democracy that is
worthy of their sacrifice. And in just over two-and-a-half years, the
Iraqi people have made incredible progress on the road to lasting
freedom. Iraqis have gone from living under the boot of a brutal
tyrant, to liberation, free elections, and a democratic constitution --
and in 15 days they will go to the polls to elect a fully
constitutional government that will lead them for the next four years.
With each ballot cast, the Iraqi people have sent a clear message
to the terrorists: Iraqis will not be intimidated. The Iraqi people
will determine the destiny of their country. The future of Iraq belongs
to freedom. Despite the costs, the pain, and the danger, Iraqis are
showing courage and are moving forward to build a free society and a
lasting democracy in the heart of the Middle East -- and the United
States of America will help them succeed. (Applause.)
Some critics continue to assert that we have no plan in Iraq except
to, "stay the course." If by "stay the course," they mean we will not
allow the terrorists to break our will, they are right. If by "stay the
course," they mean we will not permit al Qaeda to turn Iraq into what
Afghanistan was under the Taliban -- a safe haven for terrorism and a
launching pad for attacks on America -- they are right, as well. If by
"stay the course" they mean that we're not learning from our
experiences, or adjusting our tactics to meet the challenges on the
ground, then they're flat wrong. As our top commander in Iraq, General
Casey, has said, "Our commanders on the ground are continuously
adapting and adjusting, not only to what the enemy does, but also to
try to out-think the enemy and get ahead of him." Our strategy in Iraq
is clear, our tactics are flexible and dynamic; we have changed them as
conditions required and they are bringing us victory against a brutal
enemy. (Applause.)
Victory in Iraq will demand the continued determination and resolve
of the American people. It will also demand the strength and personal
courage of the men and women who wear our nation's uniform. And as the
future officers of the United States Navy and Marine Corps, you're
preparing to join this fight. You do so at a time when there is a
vigorous debate about the war in Iraq. I know that for our men and
women in uniform, this debate can be unsettling -- when you're risking
your life to accomplish a mission, the last thing you want to hear is
that mission being questioned in our nation's capital. I want you to
know that while there may be a lot of heated rhetoric in Washington,
D.C., one thing is not in dispute: The American people stand behind
you.
And we should not fear the debate in Washington. It's one of the
great strengths of our democracy that we can discuss our differences
openly and honestly -- even at times of war. Your service makes that
freedom possible. And today, because of the men and women in our
military, people are expressing their opinions freely in the streets of
Baghdad, as well.
Most Americans want two things in Iraq: They want to see our troops
win, and they want to see our troops come home as soon as possible. And
those are my goals as well. I will settle for nothing less than
complete victory. In World War II, victory came when the Empire of
Japan surrendered on the deck of the USS Missouri. In Iraq, there will
not be a signing ceremony on the deck of a battleship. Victory will
come when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's
democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of
their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to
plot new attacks on our nation.
As we make progress toward victory, Iraqis will take more
responsibility for their security, and fewer U.S. forces will be needed
to complete the mission. America will not abandon Iraq. We will not
turn that country over to the terrorists and put the American people at
risk. Iraq will be a free nation and a strong ally in the Middle East
-- and this will add to the security of the American people.
In the short run, we're going to bring justice to our enemies. In
the long run, the best way to ensure the security of our own citizens
is to spread the hope of freedom across the broader Middle East. We've
seen freedom conquer evil and secure the peace before. In World War II,
free nations came together to fight the ideology of fascism, and
freedom prevailed -- and today Germany and Japan are democracies and
they are allies in securing the peace. In the Cold War, freedom
defeated the ideology of communism and led to a democratic movement
that freed the nations of Eastern and Central Europe from Soviet
domination -- and today these nations are allies in the war on terror.
Today in the Middle East freedom is once again contending with an
ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair. And like
fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that use terror
will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom, and as democracy
spreads in the Middle East, these countries will become allies in the
cause of peace. (Applause.)
Advancing the cause of freedom and democracy in the Middle East
begins with ensuring the success of a free Iraq. Freedom's victory in
that country will inspire democratic reformers from Damascus to Tehran,
and spread hope across a troubled region, and lift a terrible threat
from the lives of our citizens. By strengthening Iraqi democracy, we
will gain a partner in the cause of peace and moderation in the Muslim
world, and an ally in the worldwide struggle against -- against the
terrorists. Advancing the ideal of democracy and self-government is the
mission that created our nation -- and now it is the calling of a new
generation of Americans. We will meet the challenge of our time. We
will answer history's call with confidence -- because we know that
freedom is the destiny of every man, woman and child on this earth.
(Applause.)
Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough
days ahead. A time of war is a time of sacrifice, and we've lost some
very fine men and women in this war on terror. Many of you know
comrades and classmates who left our shores to defend freedom and who
did not live to make the journey home. We pray for the military
families who mourn the loss of loves ones. We hold them in our hearts
-- and we honor the memory of every fallen soldier, sailor, airman,
Coast Guardsman, and Marine.
One of those fallen heroes is a Marine Corporal named Jeff Starr,
who was killed fighting the terrorists in Ramadi earlier this year.
After he died, a letter was found on his laptop computer. Here's what
he wrote, he said, "[I]f you're reading this, then I've died in Iraq. I
don't regret going. Everybody dies, but few get to do it for something
as important as freedom. It may seem confusing why we are in Iraq, it's
not to me. I'm here helping these people, so they can live the way we
live. Not [to] have to worry about tyrants or vicious dictators_.
Others have died for my freedom, now this is my mark."
There is only one way to honor the sacrifice of Corporal Starr and
his fallen comrades -- and that is to take up their mantle, carry on
their fight, and complete their mission. (Applause.)
We will take the fight to the terrorists. We will help the Iraqi
people lay the foundations of a strong democracy that can govern
itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. And by laying the
foundations of freedom in Iraq, we will lay the foundation of peace for
generations to come.
You all are the ones who will help accomplish all this. Our freedom
and our way of life are in your hands -- and they're in the best of
hands. I want to thank you for your service in the cause of freedom. I
want to thank you for wearing the uniform. May God bless you all, and
may God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)